菲律賓都市湖泊的治理以及發展：
This article is published in Taiwan Water Conservancy Journal (2016), vol. 64, no.3, pp. 66–81.
http://twc.bse.ntu.edu.tw/pdf/64/64-3-66-81.pdf
Bing Baltazar C. Brillo
Bing Baltazar C. Brillo
UP Scientist 1 and Deputy Director
Institute for Governance and Rural Development
College of Public Affairs and Development
University of the Philippines Los Ban͂os
Email address: bbbrillo@yahoo.com; bcbrillo@up.edu.ph
Abstract
Many Philippine studies have considered the abiotic and biotic conditions of large lakes throughout the country, however, to date few studies have dealt with the sociopolitical difficulties involved in sustainable development of lakes, this is particularly true for small lakes. Unfortunately, while scientific studies of lake composition are informative, they by no means address the actual issues behind the lack of sustainable development of Philippine lakes – complex sociopolitical factors. This article looks into the governance of Sampaloc Lake, and views it as a microcosm of small lake mismanagement all throughout the country. The governance of Sampaloc Lake is complex since it involves two principal administrative agencies— the Laguna Lake Development Authority (LLDA) and the City Government of San Pablo, various overlapping laws representing distinct interests, and stakeholders with varying demands on the utilization of the lake. It further contends that the two key issues in arresting the development of Sampaloc Lake are the lack of formulation of a zoning-management plan and the delay of the demolition-relocation program. Resolving the former entails scientifically-grounded compromises among the three stakeholders’ proposals (namely: [a] the Tourism Council and Environment and Natural Resource Office [TC-ENRO] proposal; [b] the Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Management [FARMC] proposal; and [c] the Seven Crater Lakes and Watershed Management Council [SCLWMC] proposal). Resolving the latter entails addressing the financial issue of the demolition-relocation program. Overall, this study addresses the scarcity of scholarly works on lakes in the Philippines by placing the Sampaloc Lake on the literature map and expanding the governance and development studies on small lakes in the country.
Keywords: Development, Governance, Philippines, Sampaloc Lake, San Pablo City.
摘要：
目前很多菲律賓湖泊的研究都是屬於自然科學的大型湖泊分析，很少探討小型湖泊永續發展的社會政治因素，不幸的是雖然這些自然科學報告都提供許多很有趣的資料，但是它們並沒有解釋湖泊永續發展的主要
1. Introduction
Sampaloc Lake is a small lake located within the urban center of San Pablo and is one of the seven crater lakes of the city (see figure 1). Among the crater lakes, Sampaloc Lake is considered primus inter pares since it is the largest (covering 5 Barangays: IV-A, IV-D, V-A, Concepcion and San Lucas I), the most “developed” (e.g., utilized for aquaculture and tourism, has a circumferential road— Dagatan Boulevard), and for a long time, the promotional symbol of the city. Over the years, the small urban lake had suffered from pollution, illegal settlements, and over expansion of commercial fish farming. In the early 2000s, these issues were tackled through a civil-society-inspired demolition and relocation program which was implemented by the Laguna Lake Development Authority (LLDA) and the City Government. After more than a decade, however, the program continues to be uncompleted, resulting in the developmental stagnation of the small urban lake.
Beyond Sampaloc Lake, there are few studies on small lakes in the Philippines since the overwhelming majority of scholarly works on lakes are from natural sciences, specifically limnology and aquaculture studies, and have heavily concentrated on the major lakes, such as Laguna de Bay, Taal Lake, Lanao Lake and Buhi Lake (see Guerrero III 2001; Guerrero III 2005; Brillo 2015a; Brillo 2015b; Brillo 2015c; Brillo 2016a; Brillo 2016b). This fact shows up as a serious imbalance in literature, i.e. the lack of studies on small lakes in general, and the lack of governance and development studies on them in particular. This literature gap is more pronounced since about 80 percent of existing lakes in the country are small lakes. Furthermore, consistent with the lacuna in the literature, the existing studies on Sampaloc Lake are mainly confined to limnology (e.g. Montgomery 1973; Monakil 1981; Belulia 1985; Cosico 1994; Cena 1995; Bernabe 1995; Laquinon 1997; San Pablo Water District 2003; Campañano 2004; Maria 2004; Rebosura 2004; Jose 2005; LLDA 2005; Remo and Salamat 2005; LLDA 2008; Zafaralla 2010) and aquaculture (e.g. Manrique 1988; Talavera 1988; Maguyon 1989; Estrellado 1991; Iwan 1991; Tan 1992; Santiago and Arcilla 1993; Santiago 1994; Platon 2001; Dayan 2003; Menguito 2004; Quilang et al. 2007; De Guzman 2010). While the few materials found that touches on governance and development of the small urban lake are merely news articles (e.g. Jose 2002; PIA 2009; Cinco 2009; Icamin 2011) and social media essays (e.g. FSLF website; Azores and San Andres 2007; Perez 2009; Gorospe 2011). Under this premise, this study aims to directly address the existing deficit in scholarly literature by conducting a governance-development assessment on a small lake. In particular, the article delineates the status of governance in Sampaloc Lake and explains the factors behind its developmental stagnation.
Figure 1: Sampaloc Lake and the Other Crater Lakes of San Pablo City (Google Maps 2015)
2. Methodology and Methods
The study employs a case study design in examining the governance and development of Sampaloc Lake. The data are generated from interviews, focus group discussions, site observations and supplemented by documents, reports and other secondary sources on the urban lake. The data are analyzed using content analysis approach and the results are delineated in a narrative presentation which proceeds as follow: first, the status of lake studies in the Philippines; second, the present situation of Sampaloc Lake; third, the complexity in the governance of Sampaloc Lake; fourth, the key development issues of the urban lake; and lastly, the conclusion. Moreover, as a proviso, the concept of governance and development are broadly defined in the study. Simply put, governance refers to the administrative systems for the utilization, management, development and conservation of the lake, and development refers to actions intended to bring economic and/or social improvement in the lake and its vicinity. In addition, a small lake in the study is defined as an inland body of water that is permanent in nature (not intermittent) with a surface area of at least one hectare but not more than 200 hectares (see Brillo 2015a).
3. Results and Discussion
3.1 The Status of Philippine Lake Studies
Freshwater is a finite resource and fundamental to human existence. Over ninety percent of the liquid freshwater on the earth’s surface is contained in lakes (Shiklomanov 1993; ILEC 2007; Nakamura and Rast 2011 and 2012). This fact makes lakes, natural or artificial (reservoirs), integral to mankind’s survival and development. Since the dawn of civilizations to present-day modern societies, lakes have been a valuable resource to humanity, from rudimentary needs (such as drinking water, food, livelihood and transportation) to more sophisticated uses (such as agricultural irrigation, fish farming, flood control and hydroelectric power). Lakes are also essential in the preservation of biodiversity and the global ecosystem. They serve as habitats for a variety of flora and fauna, and play a critical role in natural processes such as climate mediation and nutrient cycling.
Despite the unquestionable importance of lakes as a water resource, human activities such as increasing population, food production, urbanization and industrialization have brought unprecedented degradation to lakes around the world. In some instances, this condition is exacerbated by uncontrolled, exploitative development practiced by lake users. As a consequence, many lakes are threatened and suffer from eutrophication, acidification, toxic contamination, water-level changes, salinization, siltation, overfishing and exotic species/weed infestation (Kira 1997; World Lake Vision Committee 2003; ILEC 2005; World Lake Conference 2009 and 2011). This reality was underscored by the Global Environment Facility-Lake Basin Management Initiative’s (GEF-LBMI) study of 28 major lakes around the world from 2003 to 2005, where the project concluded that overall, lake conditions are not improving. This global plight is reflected in the Philippines, as many lakes in the country are ecologically threatened. This fact was highlighted in the First and Second National Congress on Philippine Lakes held in 2003 and 2011, respectively, where the bodies recognized that the country’s lakes are susceptible to degradation (Cuvin-Aralan et al. 2005; LakeCon2011 2011).
Under this backdrop, the literature on Philippine lake studies has been gradually increasing throughout the years. However, the overwhelming majority of the literature are studies from natural sciences which focus on big lakes (Brillo 2015a; e.g., Pantastico and Baldia 1981; Petersen and Carlos 1984; Santiago 1988; Manalili and Guerrero 1995; Fellizar 1995; Platon 2001; Guerrero 2001; Araullo 2001; Mercene-Mutia 2001; Zafaralla, M. 2001; Siringan and Jaraula 2005; Roa et al. 2005; Guerrero 2005). A recent survey of Philippine lake studies revealed that: (1) 77 percent of the scholarly materials are classified under the natural sciences and only 23 percent under the social sciences; and (2) 80 percent of the scholarly materials are studies on big lakes and only 8.7 percent on small lakes (Brillo 2015a). The natural science studies are mainly about limnology and aquaculture, and the big lake studies are overwhelmingly concentrated on the largest lakes in the country. On the whole, this suggests that the literature in Philippine lake studies is scarce in two areas: (1) governance and development studies; and (2) small lake studies, specifically lakes with a surface area of 200 hectare or less. To address the gap in the literature, governance-development studies and small lake studies must be undertaken to match the advances in the natural sciences and big lake studies. The number of governance-development studies (and the rest of the social sciences) must increase to complement limnology and aquaculture studies. Since biophysical-environmental problems and socio-economic-management problems are intertwined and cannot be effectively addressed in isolation, more development studies will result in a better understanding of the multitude of issues confronting lakes, in turn leading to better solutions to such issues.
Meanwhile, small lakes studies must make significant gains to expand the knowledge base on Philippine lakes and to document their existence, as small lakes are extensive all over the country yet little is known or written about them (Brillo 2015a, Brillo 2015b, Brillo 2015c). The lack of knowledge on small lakes is also evident in the existing list of Philippine lakes. For instance: (1) the Philippine Council for Aquaculture and Marine Research and Development’s (PCAMRD) data in 2001 listed only 72 known lakes (see Guerrero 2001), with many small lakes in the country not listed, and many of those needed verification; (2) the World Lake Database of the International Lake Environment Committee Foundation (ILEC) registered only 5 major Philippine lakes, without any small lake; (3) the LakeNet Global Lake Database and the Wikipedia’s list of Philippine lakes show 42 and 94 lakes respectively, with many small lakes left unaccounted for; and (4) the Philippine Lakes Network (PlaNet), which was conceived in LakeCon2003 to supply comprehensive data on Philippine lakes, still has to be set in motion.
Small lakes are least studied since they are generally considered to have minimal economic significance which translates to peripheral attention from government agencies, private-funding institutions and scholars. The geographical remoteness of many small lakes in the country is another contributing factor, as they require more resources and efforts to study. There are five main reasons why it is urgent to study small lakes: (1) the shorter time it takes to cause irreversible ecological degradation; (2) the necessity of information needed to save them; (3) the connection to other natural resources; (4) their crucial role in local development, particularly improving lake communities; and (5) the need to document the natural resource for posterity. The first reason is that small lakes are inherently more fragile and vulnerable to environmental deterioration compared to big lakes. Other things being equal, their small size naturally equates to reduced absorptive capacity in neutralizing pollutants/contaminants and shorter time for any ecological damage to be irreversible. The second reason is that critical information is needed to improve the condition of small lakes. Scientific and management-development knowledge must be gained to properly protect the natural resource. The third reason is that many small lakes are significant components of the system of other natural resources, such as river system, ground water-natural spring system, and watershed-basin of big lakes. Thus, solving the issues and problems of other systems also demand knowing vital information about small lakes. The fourth reason is that small lakes are abundant in the country and are critical in improving the living conditions of lake residents and their local communities. This is imperative since many communities around small lakes are impoverished. The fifth reason is that small lakes must be recorded for the future generations. Since it is a truism that all lakes become extinct, small lakes, in general, may vanish at a faster rate than big lakes. A small lake may disappear through loss of its water or infilling by sediments and other materials or succession (Choiński and Ptak 2009, Downing 2010, Lane 2015).
3.2 The Present Situation of Sampaloc Lake
Sampaloc Lake has a surface area of 104 hectares, maximum depth of 27 meters and an elevation of 106 meters (LLDA 2005). The lake has a circular shape and is considered a catchment area of Mount San Cristobal, a feature shared with all the seven crater lakes. The lake is widely believed to be volcanic in origin, formed through a phreatic eruption when shallow lava from Mount San Cristobal reached groundwater causing an explosion that resulted in a crater-like depression (LLDA 2008). The lake’s water sources are rainfall, surface runoff and the numerous natural springs around it. The water is discharged through seepage, evaporation and outflow to Sabang Creek, the lake’s only water outlet.
Sampaloc Lake is mainly utilized for aquaculture, specifically, tilapia farming in floating cages. In San Pablo City, aquaculture was first introduced in Bunot Lake in 1976, after the successful introduction of tilapia cage farming in Laguna de Bay by the LLDA in 1974, the practice eventually spread to Sampaloc Lake and the other crater lakes (Radan 1977; MNR 1982; Manrique 1988). Since the water makeup of Sampaloc Lake is suitable for aquaculture, fish farming has expanded, becoming an integral feature of the lake. In the 1980s, the number of fish pens and cages greatly exceeded the 10-percent-limit (of the lake’s total surface area that can be occupied by fish structures) mandated by the Philippine Fisheries Code (see Republic Act [RA] 8550, section 51). This has also made it attractive for illegal settlers to occupy the surrounding areas of the lake. This problem peaked in the 1980s to 1990s where houses, restaurants, bars, and other man-made structures proliferated along the banks of the lake. These illegal structures and the waste from fish farms (via excessive use of fish feed) have polluted the lake significantly. The lake’s water quality has deteriorated from the human-induced nutrient inputs and effluents discharged by the barangay (village) drainage system, as well as households and establishments around the lake. In LLDA’s 2006-08 water quality report on the seven crater lakes, Sampaloc Lake consistently failed the criteria for ammonia, registering the highest nitrate concentration, and the second highest phosphate level among the seven crater lakes (LLDA 2008). In the past, this condition has led to eutrophication, algal blooms and hyacinth proliferation in the lake, as shown by excessive algal blooms (where water hyacinth covered almost two-thirds of the lake), recurring fish kills, foul smell, and slow tilapia growth rate in Sampaloc Lake in the 1990s (Laquinon 1997).
The problems of fish farming over expansion and illegal settlement and structures in Sampaloc Lake were alleviated in the early 2000s, when a civil-society-inspired action prompted the administrative agencies— the LLDA and the City Government— to take action to reduce the number of fish pens and cages, remove illegal establishments, and relocate illegal inhabitants. The LLDA and the City Government’s action resulted in the significant reduction of fish pens/cages and illegal settlements/structures. After more than a decade, however, the LLDA and the City Government’s action in Sampaloc Lake is yet to be completed, as a number of illegal fish pens and cages are still operating in the lake and a third of the lake shore is still occupied by illegal settlers and structures. In 2012, the Provincial Government of Laguna reported that there are 163 registered fish pen/cage operators in Sampaloc Lake (see Provincial Government of Laguna 2013). However, the actual figure is higher since the report did not include the illegal operators in the lake.
Tourism is another use of Sampaloc Lake. The lake has long been the flagship of tourism in San Pablo City. The City Government has announced in its Short-Term Eco-Tourism Development Plan that it will prioritize the development of Sampaloc Lake, with the intention to make Sampaloc Lake development the model-template in developing the city’s other crater lakes (San Pablo City Tourism Council 2008). Although there are already tourism-related improvements (such as mini parks and a boardwalk which were constructed near the entrance to the lake), overall, Sampaloc Lake still has to be transformed into a full-fledged tourist destination. The lake area continues to lack the basic facilities and organized services necessary to be a major tourism hub. Recently, the City Government has publicized its intention to formulate a Tourism Master Development Plan for Sampaloc Lake by 2015. The plan is intended to launch, accelerate and tie up the development programs and activities in the lake. This move is a positive indication of the commitment of the City Government; but it is still too early to tell if this would result in a concrete outcome— a completed and fully-implemented tourism development plan.
Sampaloc Lake is also surrounded by a number of natural springs which feed water to it. In the management of the seven crater lakes, natural springs are often overlooked since the attention is usually given to aquaculture problems and water quality assessments of the lake (in which the natural springs are usually not factored in). Except for a proposal by the City Planning and Development Office (CPDO) identifying Sampaloc Lake as a possible source of potable water and reservoir for domestic water supply (Jose 2005; San Pablo City Tourism Council 2008), unfortunately the proposal fleetingly underscored the importance of the natural springs. In fact, there has been no serious discussions conducted or definitive programs implemented on protecting the natural springs and their watershed in Sampaloc Lake. Since the watershed of many natural springs are typically located near or within privately-owned lands, it is crucial to come up with clear directives and regulations, such as banning the cutting/clearing of trees and vegetation and the construction of establishments near them. Furthermore, with the lack of scholarly studies, it is imperative that research are conducted to clearly establish the link between the natural springs and the lake, particularly their inflow contribution, ecological effects, and sustainability.
3.3 The Complexity in the Governance of Sampaloc Lake
The administration of Sampaloc Lake involves various overlapping laws and two key government agencies— the LLDA and the City Government of San Pablo. The LLDA’s mandate comes from RA 4850, otherwise known as The Laguna Lake Development Authority Act of 1966 (as amended by Presidential Decree 813, October 1975) which is the principal law in the administration of Laguna de Bay (the largest lake in the country) and its watershed area (which includes the seven crater lakes of San Pablo City). RA 4850 created the LLDA and made it the main agency in supervising and managing the water bodies in the Laguna de Bay region (see RA 4850, section 1 and section 4) (see figure 2). Specifically, the LLDA has the primary responsibility to promote the development of the Laguna de Bay region, while providing for environmental management and control, preservation of the quality of life and ecological systems, and the prevention of undue ecological disturbance, deterioration and pollution (LLDA 2005). The LLDA’s authority was strengthened by Executive Order no. 927 issued by then President F. Marcos in December 1983 which gave the LLDA the exclusive water rights over the lakes in the Laguna de Bay region. In the administrative setup, the LLDA’s central concern is Laguna de Bay while its jurisdiction over Sampaloc Lake (and the rest of the seven crater lakes) is incidental, it being a part of the watershed of the Laguna de Bay region. In practice, the downside of this administrative arrangement is that the attention and resources of the LLDA (which generally are inadequate as in most government agencies) are concentrated on Laguna de Bay, its principal concern, while the small lakes within its region (the seven crater lakes and Tadlac Lake) usually receive peripheral consideration.
Figure 2: The Seven Crater Lakes and The Laguna de Bay Region (Google Maps 2015)
The mandate of the City Government of San Pablo comes from The Local Government Code of 1991or RA 7160, which gives the local government unit the authority over Sampaloc Lake being municipal water. Since RA 4850 confers the administration of Sampaloc Lake to the LLDA while RA 7160 bestows the City Government the territorial jurisdiction, this implies “coordinative-supplementary arrangement” between the two government agencies. The LLDA lays down the comprehensive development framework and approves/disapproves the plans and projects submitted to it by the City Government. Conversely, the City Government legislate the necessary ordinances in support of the overall development strategy of the LLDA. This arrangement was reiterated in a Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) signed by the LLDA and the City Governments of Laguna in 1997.
On the regulation side, the LLDA takes the oversight role and the City Government takes the executive responsibilities. The City Government enforces the regulations of the LLDA since it controls the local police and the barangay units. This role was evident when the City Government demolished the illegal structures in Sampaloc Lake in the early 2000s. This capacity gives the City Government some leverage over the “upper” authority of the LLDA, as the latter’s regulatory actions on the seven crater lakes are almost always anchored on the former’s cooperation and assistance. In practice, the downside of this administrative arrangement is seen when the LLDA procrastinates in deciding on plans or projects submitted by the City Government (e.g. zoning-development plan); and when the City Government becomes reluctant in enforcing the directives of the LLDA (e.g. demolition of illegal settlers in Bunot Lake).
In administering Sampaloc Lake, the LLDA and the City government utilize the Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Management Council (FARMC). The FARMC is the principal organization mandated by law, specifically the Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998 or RA 8550 to assist government agencies in the management, development, utilization and conservation of the water resources throughout the country. The FARMCs are established from the national level to cities and municipalities and formed locally by fisher folk organizations/cooperatives and NGOs in the locality with the assistance of the government agencies. In the Laguna de Bay region, FARMCs’ formation, sustenance and supervision, which by the Philippine Fisheries Code is under the Department of Agriculture, was devolved to the LLDA in recognition of its exclusive jurisdiction. The Philippine Fisheries Code also mandates that the FARMC be multi-representative in its composition and guarantees the organization’s funding. In practice, however, the FARMC’s composition lacks diversity, as the organization is mainly led and composed of fisher folk residents. The FARMC also lacks funding, as its leaders have often complained that the funds allocated to them is inadequate to effectively carry out the responsibilities of the organization. Typical security arrangements for the seven crater lakes involve FARMC members assisting the local barangay officers and the members of Bantay Lawa (Guardians of the Lake) in guarding, patrolling and cleaning the shore and water of the lakes. The local barangay is an administrative unit under the City Government while Bantay Lawa is a volunteer organization of lake residents under the Provincial Government.
Beyond the Philippine Fisheries Code, the two other laws that have direct bearing on the administration of Sampaloc Lake are the Philippine Clean Water Act of 2004 or RA 9275 and the Tourism Act of 2009 or RA 9593. In principle, the laws complement and supplement each other, particularly in the development of the lake. On the ground, however, the laws are also a source of divergence since each statute pushes distinct agendas over the utilization of the water resource. Specifically, the Philippine Clean Water Act advances the preservation of the water resource; the Tourism Act promotes ecotourism for socio-economic development; and the Philippine Fisheries Code underscores the interest of the fisher folk and the fishing industry. Accordingly, the proponents of each law compete and negotiate over the best use of the lake. Consequently, the actions, plans and programs in Sampaloc Lake will have to be framed within the orbit of these laws and the intertwined interests they represent.
3.4 The Key Development Issues of Sampaloc Lake
The most immediate issue in Sampaloc Lake is the lack of a master zoning-management plan. A zoning-management plan is considered a basic need since it is crucial for the development and conservation of a lake. The plan furnishes the overall direction in which programs and projects in the lake must conform to in order for them to be systematic, coherent and effective. In particular, the zoning-management plan is the first step in the administration of a lake, as it gives guidance to succeeding plans and precipitates subsequent actions. In Sampaloc Lake, a zoning-management plan may partition the lake and designate the specific areas (including the extent and arrangement) for aquaculture and ecotourism; which may then facilitate the regulation of fish farms and the promotion of tourism. The formulation of the zoning-management plan has been a principal item on the agenda in forums on the seven crater lakes since the early 2000s. The LLDA and the City Government have recognized the need for it; the former had acknowledged this in its 2005 water quality report in Sampaloc Lake, and the latter in its 2014 citizen’s charter report.
Administratively speaking, lake stakeholders and/or the City Government initiate the development of a zoning-management plan while LLDA approves it. In Sampaloc Lake, since the issue has long been outstanding, several zoning-management plans have been proposed throughout the years. Presently, among the plans, three proposals were formally submitted to the LLDA, namely: (1) the City Tourism Council (TC) / the City Environment and Natural Resource Office (ENRO) proposal, (2) the Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Management (FARMC) proposal and (3) the Seven Crater Lakes and Watershed Management Council (SCLWMC) proposal. The TC and the ENRO are agencies under the City Government, the FARMC is the principal fisher folk organization (as mandated in the Philippine Fisheries Code), and the SCLWMC is an umbrella organization of the stakeholders organized under LLDA (via July 2009 Board Resolution no. 114). Overall, three proposals shared the same premises— that fish farming would be maintained, ecotourism would be promoted and the lake would be rehabilitated. Specifically, the proposals adhere to the 10-percent-limit imposed by the Philippine Fisheries Code for fish pens and cages, the demolition of illegal structures and relocation of illegal settlers, and the maintenance of 50-meter navigational/sanctuary lane around the lake from its shore. However, the three proposals differ on the extent of fish farming and tourism that should be allowed on the lake and the areas that should be used for them.
The TC-ENRO proposal (sometimes referred to as “the horseshoe zoning plan”) calls for the division of the lake into two zones— the area further in is allocated to fish farming, while the area near the lake entrance is allotted for tourism activities. In this proposal, the fish pens/cages are arranged into a U-shaped two-layered belt formation running approximately 2.7 km adjacent to the perimeter of the lake, while the area for tourism is approximately 1 km strip of lakeshore which includes the waters adjacent and at the center area of the lake (see figure 3).
Figure 3: The TC-ENRO Proposal (“The Horseshoe Zoning Plan”)
The FARMC proposal is similar to the TC-ENRO’s proposal, as it also calls for a horseshoe arrangement of the fish pens/cages. The difference between TC-ENRO and FARMC proposals is on the width and length of U-shaped layered belt formation that fish pens/cages would occupy on the lake. The FARMC’s position allows the fish pens/cages a three-layered formation that runs up to approximately 3 km in length (see figure 4). Thus, the FARMC proposal, compared to the TC-ENRO proposal, increases the area for fish farms and trims down the area for tourism activities (to approximately less than 1 km strip of the lake). Furthermore, the TC-ENRO and the FARMC proposals rationalized their area allotment by contending that: on one hand, enough space is needed for the sustainable operation of fish farms (especially in ensuring sufficient supply of dissolved oxygen and avoiding overcrowding); and on the other hand, the area allotted for tourism development is adequate and ideal, as it is situated on the entryway of Sampaloc Lake.
Figure 4: The FARMC Proposal
The SCLWMC proposal (sometimes referred to as the “50-50 zoning plan”) similarly calls for the division of the lake into two zones— the area further in for fish farms and the area near the lake entrance for tourism development. However, in this proposal, Sampaloc Lake is partitioned equally between tourism activities and fish pens/cages. Half of the lake is designated as a tourism zone and the other half as fish farm zone, which would be subdivided into three areas (separated by two water alleys) where the fish pens/cages are evenly distributed (see figure 5). The SCLWMC proposal, comparatively, offers a larger area for tourism development compared to the TC-ENRO and the FARMC proposals which allocate more areas for fish farms. In justifying the arrangement, the SCLWMC proposal contends that tourism should be given an equal share of space in Sampaloc Lake since it has a better long term potential for socio-economic development than fish farming.
Figure 5: The SCLWMC Proposal (“The 50-50 Zoning Plan”)
With these three proposals submitted, the pending action is a decision from the LLDA, either by selecting one from the three proposals or developing a plan combining elements from the three proposals. This action is currently still pending. The administrative agency appears to be indecisive, publicly stating that the deadlock is caused by each proposal’s proponents being adamant on their respective positions and unyielding to a compromise. As a way out, the LLDA passed the responsibility to the City Government on making the decision – pick one proposal or combine elements from the three proposals to make one plan.
The inaction of the LLDA is disconcerting since the agency has acted on a similar case in the past; they initiated the move to come up with a zoning-management plan for Tadlac Lake (another small lake under its administrative jurisdiction). In particular, the agency allocated manpower and financial resources to prepare the Tadlac Lake Master Plan, taking into consideration the proposed Tadlac Lake Nature Park prepared by the Barangay Council, the Barangay Tadlac FARMC and the NGO Ugnayan sa Los Baños (Santos-Borja 2008). More recently, the LLDA has publicly announced that it will take the initiative in coming up with a zoning-management plan for Pandin Lake by 2015. In these two instances, the LLDA took matters into their hands instead of sending the responsibility of coming up with a plan to the City Government.
For almost a decade now, the City Government also failed to decide on a zoning-management plan; particularly, in convincing the proponents of the two other plans (i.e. the FARMC and the SCLWMC proposals) to adopt the plan crafted by its unit (i.e. the TC-ENRO proposal) or in coming up with a compromised plan based on the three submitted proposals. However, the recent shift in the strategy of the City Government towards prioritizing tourism and its intention of formulating a Tourism Master Development Plan for Sampaloc Lake by 2015 is a welcome development. Though broader in scope, the tourism master plan may facilitate the development of a zoning-development plan, as the two plans overlap and must be consistent with and supplement each other.
The other key issue in Sampaloc Lake is to completely remove the remaining illegal establishments in the lake and relocate affected inhabitants. The serious efforts to address the issue of illegal structures and settlers in the lake started in the late 1990s when the ecological problems became conspicuous (e.g. water lilies covering a substantial portion of the lake surface, foul smell, and multiple fish kills). The symbolic event of the campaign to clean Sampaloc Lake happened in 2000 when the Save the Lakes Movement (which later became the Friends of the Seven Lakes Foundation, Inc [FSLF]) led the launch of the first seven lakes summit and “Yakap sa Lawa” [Embrace the Lake] prayer rally. The event created a multi-sectoral coalition that pushed the LLDA and the City Government to take action. Consequently, the LLDA and the City Government (with the support of the Provincial Government) launched the drive to demolish the illegal establishments on the entry side of Sampaloc Lake. The locals affected by the demolition were relocated to Unityville, Barangay San Lucas II, a two-hectare land jointly donated by the City Government and the Provincial Government. The building of homes in the relocation site were sponsored by private donors and facilitated by Gawad Kalinga Community Development Foundation, an NGO.
The removal of illegal establishments from at least a third of the shoreline has improved Sampaloc Lake’s conditions. However, the demolition-relocation program has not made any progressed since the mid-2000s, as neither the LLDA nor the City Government has taken further actions to vacate the remaining two-thirds of the shoreline that are still occupied by illegal settlements. The frequently cited reason for the suspension of the demolition-relocation program is insufficient funds; specifically, the lack of money for the construction of housing units in the relocation site. No additional monies came from private donors to cover the cost of building more houses in the relocation area and new sponsors were difficult to secure. Because the understanding between the administrative agencies and the informal settlers is that the latter would voluntarily leave the lake provided the former provides them with dwellings, this became a setback that the LLDA and the City Government were not able to resolve, as both agencies were not keen on shouldering the cost of completing the program. In rationalizing, the LLDA alluded to frequent turnover of leadership resulting in varying priorities (as the agency had four different General Managers from 2005 to 2013), and the City Government has often cited unavailability of funds due to its lingering budgetary difficulty.
4. Conclusion
In principle, resolving the issue on the zoning-management plan of Sampaloc Lake simply requires compromises to be made, as the TC-ENRO, the FARMC and the SCLWMC proposals do not vary significantly. The three proposals are all bound by common premises— retaining fish farming, developing tourism, and rehabilitating the water resource. The crucial deliverable is a zoning-management plan that is grounded on the inputs from these proposals and is scientifically sound. This will ensure a higher chance of the plan being widely accepted by stakeholders, as well as being an environmentally sensible one. To achieve a compromise, it is crucial to eliminate the mutual distrust among the key proponents of the three proposals. For instance: (1) there is a perception among the FARMC members that the SCLWMC was deliberately created to dilute their influence as the principal partner of the LLDA and the City Government in managing Sampaloc Lake; (2) there is a perception in the current administration of the City Government that the SCLWMC is a redundant bureaucracy and its membership is populated by people associated with the opposition party; (3) there is a perception among the SCLWMC members that the FARMC is being manipulated by big fish farm operators (who are not really residents of the City) whose primary concern is maintaining their monopoly in Sampaloc Lake; and there is a perception among the SCLWMC members that the City Government is indecisive in changing the status quo since the big fish operators are contributors of political funds and the FARMC members are supporters during elections. All in all, these conceptions have long overshadowed the move to settle the zoning-management plan issue, as they continue to divide the stakeholders.
This fragmentation among the stakeholders has been used as the principal excuse by the LLDA and the City Government for their lackluster effort in coming up with a zoning-management plan. Correspondingly, many lake residents and stakeholders have grown cynical of the LLDA and the City Government, as the administrative agencies are seen as lacking in commitment and political will. To end the fragmentation and cynicism and facilitate confidence building among the competing stakeholders, the LLDA and the City Government must now take action, particularly by creating a forum solely for coming up with a zoning-management plan and enforcing a strict time table. As the technical expert in the management of the Sampaloc Lake, it is imperative that the LLDA provides the scientific grounds (e.g. what is technically the ideal zoning arrangement in the lake? what is the carrying capacity of the lake vis-à-vis fish farming?) which would serve as the primary basis for the City Government to encourage a compromise among the three proposals. A scientifically-based explanation is probably the best way in getting a reasonable concession and in consolidating the three competing proposals.
On the issue of unfinished resettlement program in Sampaloc Lake, addressing the financial aspect is crucial. There is no other way but for the administrative agencies to find ways to allocate funds for the completion of the program. The financial problem is not severe since there are only around 100 families left; the relocation costs are estimated at Php10 million, a manageable amount to earmark for a chartered city, like San Pablo City or a national agency, like the LLDA. The administrative agencies can also generate the needed funds from private sources, like in the successful first phase of relocation implemented in the early 2000s. Regardless of the source, getting the funds to re- start the completion of the relocation program is the litmus test of the commitment of the LLDA and the City Government— that is if the two administrative agencies are serious in making headway and in breaking the development stagnation in Sampaloc Lake this time around.
In closing, this article identified and addressed the lacuna in literature by conducting a study on the contemporary development issues of a small lake in the Philippines. On the whole, it advances two agendas in Philippine lake studies: (1) governance and development studies must parallel and complement the advances in limnology and aquaculture studies; and (2) small lakes must be studied since they are widespread all throughout the country and are an essential factor in developing lake communities. To profoundly improve the condition of lakes in the country, progress in two agendas is necessary since they are interrelated— advances in natural-science-based studies would only be partial without governance-development studies and advances in big-lake research would be incomplete without small-lake research. In ending, as there are still many small lakes in the country that need to be accounted for, this article hopes to set off more governance-development-based research on Sampaloc Lake, in particular, and on small lakes, in general.
Acknowledgement
The author wishes to thank the following individuals: Vic Anyayahan, Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Management (FARMC), San Pablo City (SPC) / Pando Espallardo, FARMC, SPC / Mandy Marin͂o, Pundasyon ng Kalikasan (Foundation of the Environment) / Roberto Azores, Friends of the Seven Lakes Foundation (FSLF) / Felimar Torrizo, Seven Crater Lakes and Watershed Management Council (SCLWMC) / Lope Calanog, Consultant, Seven Lakes Tourism Master Development Plan / Maria Donalyn Eseo, Tourism Council, SPC / Ramon De Roma, Environment and Natural Resource Office, SPC (ENRO) / Emilio Tirones, Mayor’s Office, SPC / Emiliana Casbadillo, Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) / Adelina Santos-Borja, Laguna Lake Development Authority (LLDA) / Diego Reyes, LLDA / Florita Moredo, LLDA.
The author also wishes to thank the UPLB Office of the Vice-Chancellor for Research and Extension (OVCRE) for its support in this research project; in particular, Vice-Chancellor Maria Victoria O. Espaldon, Ms. Ruth Almario and Ms. Maricris Cecilio.
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