Book Review: Salazar, Zeus A., Pangulong ERAP

Salazar, Zeus A., Pangulong ERAP.
(Manila: RPG Foundation, Inc., 2005), 577 pages.

From a college dropout to Mayor, Senator, Vice President, and President— truly the ascent of Joseph Estrada in Philippine politics is phenomenal. This distinction is heightened by the following facts— first, his election to the presidency by an astounding plurality (40% of the population), a feat unmatched in history; second, his sudden fall from power after serving for only about 18 months; third, the dubious distinction of undergoing an impeachment proceeding; and lastly, the reality that even while in prison with a plunder case against him, he is still vastly popular among the masses and possesses significant political influence. This stature has put the legacy of Estrada as the subject of a heightened political debate and has polarized the country. Against this backdrop, Estrada is shown through the lens of one of the country’s prominent historians, Dr. Z. Salazar.

In general, the book tries to defend the legacy of Estrada— that is, to justify his rule, rationalize his tragedy, and establish his place in history. Estrada is presented as a political leader deemed as the champion of the masses, enemy of the elite, and victim of a conspiracy. In doing so, Salazar used the classic Marxist framework of class conflict. He states that the dynamics of class conflict between the elite and the masses is the primary culprit in the tragedy of Estrada— it is typical of the elite to conspire against someone with opposing interest, or one outside their class. He submits that there seems to be an inherent connection between Estrada and Bonifacio, as the fate of the modern-day hero of the masses (Estrada) is somewhat similar to the fate of the original hero of the masses (Bonifacio)— both are victims of elite conspiracy. He insinuates further that Estrada’s fate is part and parcel of the long process of the political evolution of the Filipino masses— the history of their struggle from the time of the Spanish colonization to the present.

Salazar conventionally begins by describing Estrada’s family background. Estrada came from an upperclass family, where the siblings, with the exception of Estrada, are highly educated. Estrada’s academic inferiority, ironically, did not bring totally unfavorable consequences. It provided him the opportunity to establish links with the masses and to start his lifelong connection with them. Estrada discovered his niche—mingling not with rich kids, but with the poor kids in his neighborhood. The crossover to a life with the masses, as Salazar points out, would have another significant implication— it made Estrada evolve as a natural leader of the masses. Naturally, with his continuous exposure to the masses, the building blocks of his leadership qualities were also emerging.

Estrada’s attraction to the masses would also develop his penchant for defending the weak and the powerless. This tendency would be manifested early on. As Salazar notes, on several occasions, Estrada’s willingness to fight and even get beaten up while defending his helpless classmates and friends portrays Estrada as somebody who is willing to fight insurmountable odds and suffer the consequences of protecting the poor and marginalized.

Estrada’s schooling ended when he got into show business. That move not only earned him instant success and fame, but more importantly became the turning point of his life. As the leading man in his movies, he was portrayed as the champion of the underdog; it was the same role he played in childhood— always willing to fight for the needy and the weak. These portrayals would have a profound impact on the mind-set of the masses, as Estrada was seen as the genuine defender of the poor. This, in turn, would bring him enormous popularity, which would be the crucial ingredient that would help him rise in politics.

Estrada’s political journey started when he became Mayor of San Juan. His reign of 17 years ended when People Power 1 interrupted his stint as a local official and forced him to pursue a political career in the national arena. The transition was phenomenal— he became Senator, then Vice President, and ultimately President via a landslide electoral victory in 1998. In all the political positions Estrada had occupied, Salazar underscores his effective and unorthodox pro-poor style of leadership. For instance, as Mayor he legalized jueteng, and as Senator he voted against the retention of the American military bases.

Salazar interprets the ascent of Estrada to the presidency as the triumph of the masses. His success in the political arena, however, came at a price. As hinted by the author, the elite— traditional rich, intellectuals, businessmen, civil society, media, the church, and so forth— found it repugnant to accept a leadership that empowers the masses and does not do things compatible with the elite way of doing things. This attitude brought the elite together, conspiring to bring down the so-called government of the masses. The elite tried to destroy Estrada’s image by projecting his administration as corrupt, incompetent, and immoral. And in connivance with some factions in the military, the conspiracy attained their goal in People Power 2— by assembling a crowd and enticing the military to withdraw its allegiance to the legitimate government, thus forcing Estrada out of Malacañang and installing Vice President Arroyo as President. Salazar, however, stresses that despite the ouster, Estrada remains popular and supported by the masses— the undisputed “Ama ng masang Pilipino.”

The overall theme of the biography can aptly be stated thus: Estrada, the genuine leader of the masses, fell from power because of the conspiracy of the elite. This theme is amply demonstrated in the book. For instance, as leader of the masses:

“Dahil sa pakikipag-ugnay ni Erap sa kanyang mga kaibigan sa kanto at kalye, kinilala siya ng mga ito bilang kanilang lider at tagapagtanggol” p.14

Code of Conduct for Cabinet Members… “panunahing diin ay ang pagpapahalaga sa… mahihirap” p.192

“Sapul pa ng kabataan, lagi siyang pumapanig sa inaapi”, p.315
And as to the conspiracy of the elite:
“Ngayon pa lamang, sa loob ng isang partido ng elit, kinukudeta na si Erap” p.125
“Ang mga hayag na aksyon ng Oposisyon ay lalo pang ipagpapaibayo nina Ramos, Cory, Cardinal Sin, Macapagal-Arroyo at mga kaalyado sa pulitika, ‘civil society’, Makati Business Club at mga reteradong heneral. Ang pagkilos sa ilalim ay marahan, ngunit tiyak at maingat na binabalak sapagkat military ang ninanais makasama/maisama” p.299

Salazar asserts that Estrada is an extraordinary politician; he did not bow down to the elite, but instead risked everything for the poor. As Salazar argues, the bond between Estrada and the masses would be the embodiment of his fate. The notion is reinforced when the historian author deliberately linked Estrada to Andres Bonifacio, by maintaining the parallelism in their destiny— history repeating itself, “Tila pinagtiyap ng kapalaran, makikita ang pagkakahalintulad kapwa sa liderato ng Supremo at ng ‘Bida’,” p.220.

Salazar attempts to debunk certain popular misconceptions about Estrada. For instance, the author vehemently dispels the notion that Estrada is unintelligent, unfit to rule, and divisive to the country. To counteract the first, he presents comprehensive data to show that Estrada is a bright person. As for the second, he pinpoints the varied accomplishments of the short-lived Estrada administration. As for the last, the author vehemently denies that Estrada is a polarizing factor— Estrada did not and could not divide a society that had long been dichotomized by the cultural divide. Salazar further argues that Estrada tried to bridge the gap and unite society; ironically, he ended up the victim of such action.

Like most biographies, the book is basically a hagiography; Salazar made a substantial effort to remove the rough edges and tighten the screws, so to speak. Because of the author’s passionate quest to defend the legacy of Estrada, the biography ends up exhibiting a perceptibly strong bias for the subject. The intense bias might even tempt some readers to classify this book as an outright apology for Estrada, rather than an ordinary life story, as the propositions utilized in support of the theme appear to be selective and contestable.

For instance, the proposition that Estrada is pro-poor is highly debatable. Salazar did not significantly touch on Estrada’s many traits that cannot be considered pro-poor: for example, his love for expensive wines and luxurious mansions, and his penchant for womanizing and big-time gambling, and so forth. Hence, although he is identified with the poor, his lifestyle and taste demonstrate otherwise.

Second, the class conflict proposition vis-à-vis Estrada is simply untenable. As a fundamental critique against the framework, the divide between the elite and the masses is an overgeneralization. For instance, it denies the fact that Estrada was surrounded by people that can be categorized as elite, and his administration, like other administrations, also served the interest of the elite. Furthermore, it ignores the fact that the multitude of forces against Estrada did not come from a single segment, but comprised varied sectors of society— the rich, the middle class, the professionals, and the poor.

Third, the proposition that Estrada’s downfall was attributed primarily to elite conspiracy is an oversimplification. Salazar failed to emphasize other significant factors— the self-inflicted, consistent, and grave political blunders and scandals committed by Estrada and his administration are equally, if not more, damning. His actions gave the opposition the reason to unite, as well as the opening to go for the kill, so to speak.

Fourth, the proposition that associates Estrada with Andres Bonifacio is vague. The author failed to mention that there are many (if not more) differences between the two. For instance, Bonifacio as the Supremo was untarnished by corruption, while Estrada’s Presidency was embroiled throughout in charges of corruption. Furthermore, one would have reservations on whether Estrada would be happy to follow the destiny of Bonifacio all the way up to martyrdom.

Looking more deeply into this biography, one could read between the lines that it is insinuating a very provocative message—that Estrada will return since he is a vital cog in the solution to the crisis of this country:

Kaugnay ng kasalukuyang yugto ng pulitikang Pilipino, magbabalik ang LAWIN, ang simbolo ng BAYANI”, p.526

“Gayunpaman, anuman ang kanilang gawin, bahagi si ERAP ng solusyon sa krisis ng sistema ng ating estado at lipunan”, p.527

Although “the return of ERAP” could mean many things ranging from outright return to political power whether as President again or as kingmaker (helping his allies get elected to political positions, or supporting “friendly forces” to gain control of government via extraconstitutional means) to mere acquittal in the plunder case, it surely conveys a message of hope to his supporters— that what happened to Estrada is not the end; indeed there is still the “unfinished chapter of ERAP.” Also accompanying this message is a menacing warning to the “usurper” Arroyo government that it will have to reckon with his redemption. The message also suggests that only the return of Estrada will put an end to the political divide and bring about political stability. Here, one can only think that Estrada is being portrayed, just like in his action movies, as a Messiah overcoming political persecution and returning to save the people.

Although Salazar presents the biography as an objective historical narration, it appears to be defeated by the political agenda of the book. The presentation is seemingly based on a specific prism, where certain facts are ignored or selectively chosen. To put a semblance of balance to this apparently propaganda material, examining other reading materials before or after reading this biography is recommended to dilute its fervent subjectivity.

Lastly, the launching of this book can also be seen as in concert with other things, such as ERAP cds, documentary movie, and so forth. This hints that a deliberate battle to ensure Estrada’s place in history is ongoing, and this biography spearheads the quest to establish Estrada’s legacy to the future. Indeed, the biography cannot be separated from the broader context of contemporary Philippine politics. With the forthcoming midterm elections in 2007, the presidential elections in 2010, and the near conclusion of the plunder case it is imperative for Estrada to remain relevant. Thus, the book is one effective way of maintaining Estrada’s political significance at present and beyond.